<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>0121-4705</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Análisis Político]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[anal.polit.]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>0121-4705</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Instituto de Estudios Políticos y Relaciones Internacionales (IEPRI), Universidad Nacional de Colombia]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S0121-47052020000100003</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.15446/anpol.v33n98.89407</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[ESTALLIDO SOCIAL EN CHILE 2019: PARTICIPACIÓN, REPRESENTACIÓN, CONFIANZA INSTITUCIONAL Y ESCÁNDALOS PÚBLICOS]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[SOCIAL EXPLOSION IN CHILE 2019: PARTICIPATION, REPRESENTATION, INSTITUTIONAL TRUST AND PUBLIC SCANDALS]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Morales Quiroga]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Mauricio]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad de Talca Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales Escuela de Ciencia Política y Administración Pública]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Chile</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>04</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>04</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>33</volume>
<numero>98</numero>
<fpage>3</fpage>
<lpage>25</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S0121-47052020000100003&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S0121-47052020000100003&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S0121-47052020000100003&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[RESUMEN La democracia chilena vive en una contradicción. Mientras los indicadores económicos y de estabilidad política destacan a nivel internacional, la participación electoral y la representación política experimentan un evidente déficit. Si bien el estallido social del 18 de octubre de 2019 tomó por sorpresa a la clase política, existían antecedentes para anticipar- aunque sin precisión exacta- una revuelta social de esta envergadura. En este artículo sugiero cuatro &#8220;crisis&#8221; que explican la convulsión social del país. Primero, una crisis de participación que se vio agudizada por la instauración del voto voluntario en 2012. Segundo, una crisis de representación reflejada en la menor adhesión a partidos y en la pérdida de confianza a instituciones claves de la de democracia (gobierno, tribunales, congreso). Tercero, una crisis de confianza en instituciones de orden público y de orden social (Carabineros e Iglesias). Cuarto, una crisis de probidad pública y privada reflejada en el incremento de casos de financiamiento irregular de las campañas políticas y colusiones empresariales.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[ABSTRACT Chilean democracy lives in a contradiction. While economic and political stability indicators stand out internationally, electoral participation and political representation experience an obvious deficit. Although the social outbreak of October 18, 2019 took the political class by surprise, there were antecedents to anticipate - although without exact precision - a social explosion of this magnitude. In this article I suggest four &#8220;crises&#8221; that explain the country&#8217;s social upheaval. First, a crisis of electoral participation that was exacerbated by the establishment of the voluntary vote in 2012. Second, a crisis of representation reflected in the lower attachment to parties and in the loss of confidence in key institutions of democracy (government, courts, congress). Third, a crisis of confidence in public order and social order institutions (Police and Church). Fourth, a crisis of public and private probity reflected in the increase in cases of irregular financing of political campaigns and business collusions.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Chile]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[estallido social]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[representación]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[participación electoral]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[escándalos.]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Chile]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[social outbreak]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[representation]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[electoral turnout]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[scandals]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
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