<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>0121-4705</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Análisis Político]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[anal.polit.]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>0121-4705</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Instituto de Estudios Políticos y Relaciones Internacionales (IEPRI), Universidad Nacional de Colombia]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S0121-47052022000100007</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.15446/anpol.v35n104.105162</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[COMPETENCIA SIN ALTERNANCIA EN LAS GOBERNACIONES COLOMBIANAS: LOS DOMINIOS ELECTORALES EN LA DEMOCRACIA SUBNACIONAL COLOMBIANA. UN ANÁLISIS MÁS ALLÁ DE LOS PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[COMPETITION WITHOUT ALTERNATION IN COLOMBIAN GOVERNORSHIPS: ELECTORAL DOMAINS IN THE COLOMBIAN SUBNATIONAL DEMOCRACY. AN ANALYSIS BEYOND POLITICAL PARTIES]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Fonseca]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Juan Camilo]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Pino Uribe]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Juan Federico]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Pontificia Universidad Javeriana  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Colombia</country>
</aff>
<aff id="Af2">
<institution><![CDATA[,Flacso-Ecuador Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales Departamento de Estudios Políticos]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>06</month>
<year>2022</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>06</month>
<year>2022</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>35</volume>
<numero>104</numero>
<fpage>7</fpage>
<lpage>32</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S0121-47052022000100007&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S0121-47052022000100007&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S0121-47052022000100007&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[RESUMEN Este artículo propone e identifica un nuevo tipo de régimen híbrido en el ámbito subnacional: los dominios electorales. Estos corresponden a departamentos en los cuales una estructura política ha logrado mantener el control de las gobernaciones durante varias elecciones, y así ha minimizado el acceso al poder por parte de las fuerzas de oposición, pues, a pesar de que estas pueden tener una posición política hegemónica, no desarrollan un autoritarismo subnacional a escala departamental. El artículo tiene tres objetivos: desarrollar el concepto de dominio electoral, identificar los dominios electorales en Colombia y explicar de forma exploratoria las causas de la continuidad de dichos dominios, o su fin y sus implicaciones para la democracia subnacional. Desde una aproximación mixta, utilizando trabajo de archivo, modelos inferenciales y estudios de caso, se identificó que este tipo de régimen híbrido se ha presentado de forma diferenciada en la mayoría de los departamentos, y que el apoyo de recursos privados subnacionales de sus estructuras políticas y la influencia nacional vía congresistas son las principales causas que permiten su continuidad o pueden explicar su fin.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[ABSTRACT This article proposes and identifies a new type of hybrid regime at the subnational level: electoral domains. These correspond to departments where a political structure has managed to maintain governorships in several elections, minimizing thus the opportunity for opposition forces to come to power, which, despite having a dominant political position, do not develop subnational authoritarianism at the departmental level. Therefore, this article has three objectives: to describe the concept of electoral domain, identify electoral domains in Colombia, and explain in an exploratory way the causes of its continuity or its end, as well as its implications for subnational democracy. Based on a mixed approach, using archival work, inferential models, and case studies, the research identified that electoral domains have been present differently in most departments in Colombia. It also demonstrated that the support of private subnational resources from their political structures and national influence via congressional positions are the main causes that allow its continuity or might explain its end.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[democracia subnacional]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[regímenes híbridos]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Colombia]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[dominios electorales.]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Subnational democracy]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Hybrid regimes]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Colombia]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Electoral domains]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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