<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>0121-5612</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Colombia Internacional]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[colomb.int.]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>0121-5612</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S0121-56122020000300029</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.7440/colombiaint103.2020.02</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[Diferenciación ideológica y coordinación estratégica en elecciones presidenciales en América Latina]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Ideological Differentiation and Strategic Coordination in Presidential Elections in Latin America]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="pt"><![CDATA[Diferença ideológica e coordenação estratégica em eleições presidenciais na América Latina]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Luján]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Diego]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad de la República  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Uruguay</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>07</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>07</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<numero>103</numero>
<fpage>29</fpage>
<lpage>55</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S0121-56122020000300029&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S0121-56122020000300029&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S0121-56122020000300029&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[RESUMEN.  Objetivo/contexto:  este artículo estima el efecto de la diferenciación ideológica sobre el nivel de coordinación electoral en elecciones presidenciales en América Latina. La fragmentación de los sistemas de partidos depende en buena medida del nivel de coordinación electoral, la cual es afectada, de acuerdo con la literatura, por las reglas electorales y la heterogeneidad social. El artículo sostiene que es necesario considerar el impacto de factores políticos, como la diferenciación ideológica, sobre la coordinación electoral. Se argumenta que la diferenciación ideológica, en tanto atributo de la competencia programática, aumenta la capacidad de las élites políticas y de los votantes para coordinar sus decisiones de entrada y de voto, respectivamente.  Metodología:  mediante modelos estadísticos, se muestra que aquellos sistemas que exhiben una mayor diferenciación ideológica, medida como polarización ponderada entre los agentes del sistema, presentan niveles más altos de coordinación electoral, lo que redunda en una menor fragmentación absoluta y efectiva, una mayor concentración del voto en los candidatos más fuertes y un menor nivel de votos desperdiciados.  Conclusiones:  la diferenciación ideológica entre los partidos en competencia afecta significativamente los niveles de coordinación electoral, y este efecto es estable y robusto a controles institucionales y socioestructurales. Los sistemas de partidos programáticamente estructurados, y por tanto ideológicamente diferenciados, presentan mayor nivel de coordinación electoral que aquellos estructurados sobre apelaciones no programáticas (clientelares, personalistas).  Originalidad:  La fragmentación ha sido abordada principalmente como el producto de los sistemas electorales y de la heterogeneidad social, o como una combinación de ambos. Sin embargo, este artículo muestra que, dado que la fragmentación depende de la capacidad de élites y votantes para coordinar sus decisiones de entrada y voto, esta también es afectada por factores estrictamente políticos, como el grado de diferenciación ideológica existente.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[ABSTRACT.  Objective/context:  This article estimates the effect of ideological differentiation on the level of electoral coordination in presidential elections in Latin America. The fragmentation of party systems depends largely on the level of electoral coordination, which is affected, according to the literature, by electoral rules and social heterogeneity. The article argues that it is necessary to consider the impact of political factors, such as ideological differentiation, on electoral coordination. It is argued that ideological differentiation, as an attribute of programmatic competence, increases the ability of political elites and voters to coordinate their entry and voting decisions, respectively.  Methodology:  Through statistical models, it is shown that those systems that exhibit a greater ideological differentiation, measured as weighted polarization among the agents of the system, have higher levels of electoral coordination, resulting in a lower absolute and effective fragmentation, a greater concentration of the vote in the strongest candidates, and a lower level of wasted votes.  Conclusions:  Ideological differentiation between competing parties significantly affects electoral coordination, and this effect is stable and robust to institutional and socio-structural controls. Programmatically structured party systems, and therefore ideologically differentiated, exhibits higher levels of electoral coordination than those structured on non-programmatic appeals (clientelism, personalism).  Originality:  Fragmentation has been addressed primarily as the product of electoral systems and social heterogeneity, or a combination of both. However, this article shows that, since fragmentation depends on the ability of elites and voters to coordinate their entry and voting decisions, it is also affected by strictly political factors, such as the degree of existing ideological differentiation.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="pt"><p><![CDATA[RESUMO.  Objetivo/contexto:  este artigo estima o efeito da diferença ideológica sobre o nível de coordenação eleitoral em eleições presidenciais na América Latina. A fragmentação dos sistemas de partidos depende, em boa medida, do nível de coordenação eleitoral, a qual é afetada, de acordo com a literatura, pelas regras eleitorais e pela heterogeneidade social. Neste artigo, defende-se a necessidade de considerar o impacto de fatores políticos, como a diferença ideológica, sobre a coordenação eleitoral. Argumenta-se que a diferença ideológica, enquanto atributo da competição programática, aumenta a capacidade das elites políticas e dos votantes para coordenar suas decisões de entrada e de voto, respectivamente.  Metodologia:  mediante modelos estatísticos, mostra-se que os sistemas que apresentam maior diferença ideológica, medida como polarização ponderada entre os agentes do sistema, demonstram níveis mais altos de coordenação eleitoral, o que redunda em menor fragmentação absoluta e efetiva, maior concentração do voto nos candidatos mais fortes e menor nível de votos desperdiçados.  Conclusões:  a diferença ideológica entre os partidos em competição afeta significativamente os níveis de coordenação eleitoral, e esse efeito é estável e robusto a controles institucionais e socioestruturais. Os sistemas de partidos estruturados de forma programática e, portanto, ideologicamente diferenciados apresentam maior nível de coordenação eleitoral do que os estruturados sobre apelações não programáticas (clientelistas, personalistas).  Originalidade:  a fragmentação vem sendo abordada principalmente como o produto dos sistemas eleitorais e da heterogeneidade social, ou como uma combinação de ambos. Contudo, este artigo mostra que, tendo em vista que a fragmentação depende da capacidade de elites e votantes para coordenar suas decisões de entrada e de voto, também é afetada por fatores estritamente políticos, como o grau de diferença ideológica existente.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Diferenciación ideológica]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[coordinación electoral]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[elecciones presidenciales]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[América Latina]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[competencia programática]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Ideological differentiation]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[electoral coordination]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[presidential elections]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Latin America]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[programmatic competition]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[Diferença ideológica]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[coordenação eleitoral]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[eleições presidenciais]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[América Latina]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[competição programática]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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