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<journal-meta>
<journal-id>0123-3432</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Íkala, Revista de Lenguaje y Cultura]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Íkala]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>0123-3432</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Escuela de Idiomas, Universidad de Antioquia]]></publisher-name>
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<article-meta>
<article-id>S0123-34322009000200002</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Globalization and Language and Education Reform in Colombia: A Critical Outlook]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[Globalización y la reforma lingüística y educativa en Colombia: una perspectiva crítica]]></article-title>
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<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Usma]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Jaime]]></given-names>
</name>
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</contrib>
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<aff id="A01">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad de Antioquia Escuela de Idiomas Grupo de Investigación Acción y Evaluación en Lenguas Extranjeras GIAE]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
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<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>05</month>
<year>2009</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>05</month>
<year>2009</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>14</volume>
<numero>22</numero>
<fpage>19</fpage>
<lpage>42</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S0123-34322009000200002&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S0123-34322009000200002&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S0123-34322009000200002&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[This paper explores the connection between economic, political, and cultural globalization processes and recent education and language reforms in Colombia. Throughout the article, the author attempts to demonstrate that current education and language policies in Colombia are tightly connected to transnational agendas and models of reform that do not necessarily represent a real benefit for the majority of the population, but, instead, may render privileges for a few. With this analysis, the author insists on the need for an equitable plan for the improvement of language teaching and learning in Colombia in a way that considers local priorities of economic development, respects local knowledge and culture, and accounts for a systemic and fundamental improvement of the public system based on the dissimilar conditions that affect schools, teachers, and students in both the private and the public sectors in the country.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[En este artículo, el autor analiza la conexión entre procesos de globalización económica, política y cultural, y políticas educativas y lingüísticas recientemente introducidas en Colombia. Lo que se pretende es demostrar que estas políticas están estrechamente ligadas a agendas transnacionales y modelos de reforma que no necesariamente representan un beneficio real para la mayoría de la población, sino sólo para unos pocos. Además, se insiste aquí en la necesidad de construir políticas para el mejoramiento de la enseñanza y el aprendizaje de las lenguas extranjeras y locales en el país, que prioricen las necesidades de desarrollo económico en cada comunidad, respeten su conocimiento y cultura, y busquen consolidar un plan de mejoramiento sistémico y estructural basado en las condiciones disímiles que existen entre el sector educativo público y el privado en Colombia.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="fr"><p><![CDATA[Dans cet article, l'auteur analyse les connexions entre des processus de globalisation économique, politique et culturelle et des politiques éducatives et linguistiques récemment introduites en Colombie. Tout au long de l'article, l'auteur tente de démontrer que ces politiques sont étroitement liées à des agendas transnationaux et à des modèles de réforme qui ne représentent pas nécessairement un réel bénéfice pour la majorité de la population, mais au contraire pour une petite minorité. Avec cette analyse, l'auteur cherche à insister sur la nécessité de construire des politiques pour l'amélioration de l'enseignement et de l'apprentissage des langues étrangères et locales en Colombie. Ces politiques devraient donner la priorité aux besoins de développement économique au sein de chaque communauté, tout comme elles devraient respecter nos connaissances et notre culture, tout en cherchant à consolider un plan d'amélioration systémique et structurel basé sur les conditions si asymétriques qui existent entre le secteur public et le secteur privé en Colombie.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[globalization]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[education policies]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[language policy]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[National Program of Bilingualism]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[globalización]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[políticas educativas]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[políticas lingüísticas]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Programa Nacional de Bilingüismo]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="fr"><![CDATA[globalisation]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="fr"><![CDATA[politiques educatives]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="fr"><![CDATA[politiques linguistiques]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="fr"><![CDATA[Programme National de Bilinguisme]]></kwd>
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</front><body><![CDATA[ <p align="right"><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>ART&Iacute;CULOS DE INVESTIGACI&Oacute;N</b></font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p align="center"><font size="4" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>Globalization   and Language and Education Reform in Colombia: A Critical Outlook*<a name="en1"></a><a href="#n1"><sup>1</sup></a></b></font></p>     <p align="center">&nbsp;</p>     <p align="center"><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>Globalizaci&oacute;n y la reforma ling&uuml;&iacute;stica y educativa en Colombia: una perspectiva cr&iacute;tica</b></font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>Jaime Usma**</b>    <br> ** Jaime Usma is a foreign language teacher   educator and active researcher at Grupo de Investigaci&oacute;n Acci&oacute;n y   Evaluaci&oacute;n en Lenguas Extranjeras GIAE, Escuela de Idiomas, Universidad   de Antioquia. PhD Candidate in Curriculum and Instruction and Researcher   at the Wisconsin Center for Education Research, WCER, University of   Wisconsin, Madison. His academic and research interests include:   education and language policies, autonomy in foreign language teaching   and learning, action research, teacher professional development, and   teacher education. E-mail: <a href="mailto:jusmawilches@hotmail.com">jusmawilches@hotmail.com</a>; <a href="mailto:usma@wisc.edu">usma@wisc.edu</a></font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p>&nbsp;</p> <hr size="1" noshade>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>ABSTRACT</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">This paper explores the   connection between economic, political, and cultural globalization   processes and recent education and language reforms in Colombia.   Throughout the article, the author attempts to demonstrate that current   education and language policies in Colombia are tightly connected to   transnational agendas and models of reform that do not necessarily   represent a real benefit for the majority of the population, but,   instead, may render privileges for a few. With this analysis, the author   insists on the need for an equitable plan for the improvement of   language teaching and learning in Colombia in a way that considers local   priorities of economic development, respects local knowledge and   culture, and accounts for a systemic and fundamental improvement of the   public system based on the dissimilar conditions that affect schools,   teachers, and students in both the private and the public sectors in the   country.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>Key words:</b> globalization,   education policies, language policy, National Program of Bilingualism</font></p> <hr size="1" noshade>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>RESUMEN</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">En este art&iacute;culo, el autor   analiza la conexi&oacute;n entre procesos de globalizaci&oacute;n econ&oacute;mica, pol&iacute;tica y   cultural, y pol&iacute;ticas educativas y ling&uuml;&iacute;sticas recientemente   introducidas en Colombia. Lo que se pretende es demostrar que estas   pol&iacute;ticas est&aacute;n estrechamente ligadas a agendas transnacionales y   modelos de reforma que no necesariamente representan un beneficio real   para la mayor&iacute;a de la poblaci&oacute;n, sino s&oacute;lo para unos pocos. Adem&aacute;s, se   insiste aqu&iacute; en la necesidad de construir pol&iacute;ticas para el mejoramiento   de la ense&ntilde;anza y el aprendizaje de las lenguas extranjeras y locales   en el pa&iacute;s, que prioricen las necesidades de desarrollo econ&oacute;mico en   cada comunidad, respeten su conocimiento y cultura, y busquen consolidar   un plan de mejoramiento sist&eacute;mico y estructural basado en las   condiciones dis&iacute;miles que existen entre el sector educativo p&uacute;blico y el   privado en Colombia. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>Palabras clave:</b> globalizaci&oacute;n,   pol&iacute;ticas educativas, pol&iacute;ticas ling&uuml;&iacute;sticas, Programa Nacional de   Biling&uuml;ismo</font></p> <hr size="1" noshade>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>R&Eacute;SUM&Eacute;</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Dans cet article, l'auteur analyse les connexions entre des   processus de globalisation &eacute;conomique, politique et culturelle et des   politiques &eacute;ducatives et linguistiques r&eacute;cemment introduites en   Colombie. Tout au long de l'article, l'auteur tente de d&eacute;montrer que ces   politiques sont &eacute;troitement li&eacute;es &agrave; des agendas transnationaux et &agrave; des   mod&egrave;les de r&eacute;forme qui ne repr&eacute;sentent pas n&eacute;cessairement un r&eacute;el   b&eacute;n&eacute;fice pour la majorit&eacute; de la population, mais au contraire pour une   petite minorit&eacute;. Avec cette analyse, l'auteur cherche &agrave; insister sur la   n&eacute;cessit&eacute; de construire des politiques pour l'am&eacute;lioration de   l'enseignement et de l'apprentissage des langues &eacute;trang&egrave;res et locales   en Colombie. Ces politiques devraient donner la priorit&eacute; aux besoins de   d&eacute;veloppement &eacute;conomique au sein de chaque communaut&eacute;, tout comme elles   devraient respecter nos connaissances et notre culture, tout en   cherchant &agrave; consolider un plan d'am&eacute;lioration syst&eacute;mique et structurel   bas&eacute; sur les conditions si asym&eacute;triques qui existent entre le secteur   public et le secteur priv&eacute; en Colombie.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>Mots cl&eacute;s: </b>globalisation, politiques educatives, politiques   linguistiques, Programme National de Bilinguisme</font></p> <hr size="1" noshade>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p>&nbsp;</p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>1. INTRODUCTION</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Departing from the need to strengthen the   strategic position of Colombia before the world, determined by the free   trade agreements, globalization of cultural industries, and development   of the knowledge society, the national government has the fundamental   commitment of creating the conditions to develop communicative   competences in a second language in the Colombian citizens</font></p>     <blockquote>       <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">(...)</font> <font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Being   bilingual in a global world is essential. Mastering a second language   means being able to communicate better; understand other contexts;   appropriate and circulate knowledge; understand and be comprehensible to   others; enrich ourselves; and play a decisive role in the development   of the country. Being bilingual means acquiring more knowledge and   having opportunities to be competent and competitive, while improving   the life quality of all citizens. </font></p>       <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">(Colombia.   Ministerio de Educaci&oacute;n Nacional, 2005)</font></p> </blockquote>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Grounded in the need for a more competitive country in times   of what we now call ''globalization'', the central government of Colombia   has recently passed a number of education and language reforms,   including the so called ''Revoluci&oacute;n Educativa 2002-2006 &amp; 2006-2010''   (Educational Revolution 2002-2006 &amp; 2006-2010) and ''Programa   Nacional de Biling&uuml;ismo, Colombia 2004-2019'' (National Program of   Bilingualism 2004-2019) (Colombia, Ministerio de Educaci&oacute;n Nacional,   2002; 2005; 2008). Through these policies, the government has determined   to shape the national school system according to international   expectations and models, and make our national workforce more   competitive, now that bi-national trade agreements are being negotiated   with other countries, and cities such as Medell&iacute;n are presented as   business and tourist international centers. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Within this context, I explore the connection between these   education and language reforms and globalization processes described in   different disciplines. Throughout the article, I try to demonstrate that   current education and language policies in Colombia are tightly   connected to transnational agendas and models of reform that do not   necessarily represent a real benefit for the majority of the population,   but, instead, may render privileges for a few. With this analysis, I   insist on the need for an equitable plan for the improvement of language   teaching and learning in Colombia in a way that takes into account   local priorities of economic development, respects local knowledge and   culture, and accounts for a systemic and structural improvement of the   public system based on the dissimilar conditions that affect schools,   teachers, and students in both the private and public sectors in the   country. This paper is divided into three main sections. First, I   outline recent education and language reforms in Colombia and some of   the contradictions involved in them. Second, I introduce the concept of   globalization in relation to education and language reforms and it can   be investigated from an economic, political and cultural perspective.   Finally, I summarize the argument and propose an alternative agenda   based on the limitations of current reform approaches.</font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>2. EDUCATION AND FOREIGN LANGUAGE REFORM IN COLOMBIA: A BRIEF OVERVIEW</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Since 1994, when the government introduced the National Education Law, school and university actors have witnessed the continuous transformation of the educational system in Colombia, which has frequently been accompanied with contradictory proposals<a name="en2"></a><a href="#n2"><sup>2</sup></a>. For instance, whereas the National Education Law granted school administrators and teachers autonomy to redesign curricula, their ability to exert their professional discretion has been hindered by their problematic working conditions, lack of time, and enforcement of national standardized tests (Agudelo Valderrama, 2006). At the same time, despite the fact that central authorities and administrators have called for an increase in education quality and provided teachers with professional development, efficiency models applied to schools have resulted in the firing or transferring of teachers, including some of those practitioners involved in those teacher development programs (see e.g., Usma &amp; Frodden, 2003).</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Additionally, while legislators have talked about education   expansion and student enrollment in recent proposals such as <i>Visi&oacute;n   2019 Educaci&oacute;n: Propuesta para discusi&oacute;n</i> (Colombia.   Ministerio de Educaci&oacute;n Nacional, 2006a), they have recently pushed for   constitutional drafts or national regulations to reduce public spending   in education<a name="en3"></a><sup><a href="#n3">3</a></sup>, regulate in favor of private education including the   creation of charter/leased schools with the economic support of public   monies (Lowden, 2004), or promote the consolidation of bilingual private   teacher education programs in bi-national universities (see e.g. Casas   de Iregui, 2006). Finally, and now in the field of foreign language   teaching and learning, while the National Education Law of 1994 has   reinforced the need to learn other languages, and included foreign   language teaching as another mandatory area starting in elementary   school, the lack of teachers and resources (Cadavid, McNulty &amp;   Quinch&iacute;a, 2004), as well as the adverse working conditions in public   schools have impeded a successful implementation of the plan (Ayala   &amp; &Aacute;lvarez, 2005; Usma &amp; Frodden, 2003; Usma, 2007; Valencia,   2006). </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Nevertheless, the field had hardly faced a similar transformation like the one being experienced with the adoption of the National Bilingual Program<a name="en4"></a><a href="#n4"><sup>4</sup></a> (Cely, 2007;Colombia. Ministerio de Educaci&oacute;n Nacional, 2005; 2006b; 2006c; 2006d; 2007). This reform includes at least eight main policy tools and strategies:</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">a.	  Introduction of the concept of ''bilingualism'' where we previously talked   about foreign language teaching and learning </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">b.	  Establishment of English-Spanish as the new notion of bilingualism</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">c.	Designation   of the British Council as the leading organization in charge of the   development, implementation and control of the plan</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">d.	Adoption of   the <i>Common European Framework of Reference for Languages</i> (Council of Europe, 2001) as the norm that will regulate the whole   system</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">e.	Definition   of standards to regulate and homogenize teaching practice, language   learning, professional development, and school accreditation according   to the guidelines provided by the foreign consultants</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">f.	  Introduction of international standardized tests to determine teachers'   and students' communicative competence</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">g.	  Institutionalization of language approaches and methods according to   internationally accepted practices validated outside the country</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">h.	  Deregulation that allows private organizations to compete with public   institutions in the education market and exempts international   organizations from the accreditation process.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In this fashion, the   government attempts to homogenize foreign language teaching and learning   at all levels; exerts tighter control over the whole system; and   gradually redesigns language programs based on certification and   recertification of students, teachers and language schools.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">That is how recent reforms   continue to give emphasis to standards, certification, accreditation,   and control, while local scholars wonder about the rationale behind this   program (Ayala &amp; &Aacute;lvarez, 2005; C&aacute;rdenas; 2006; Gonz&aacute;lez, 2007;   Guerrero, 2008; S&aacute;nchez &amp; Obando, 2008) and the possible effects   these new policies may have on different subsets of the population   (Usma, 2009; Valencia, 2006). In this paper I follow up on this ongoing   conversation by discussing how current reforms in Colombia relate to   international reform, and exploring the relationship between current   education and language reforms and processes of economic, political, and   cultural globalization. To these matters I now move with the hope that a   better understanding of global policymaking will drive a comprehensive   view of national education and foreign language issues. </font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>3. THEORIZING GLOBALIZATION AND ITS CONNECTION WITH EDUCATION, LANGUAGE AND POLICY</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In order to better understand what happens in Colombia in   terms of foreign language and education policy, we need to both move   beyond the boundaries of our local geography and transcend the frontiers   of our field of study. We need to look at globalization and its   multidimensional facets and explore the implications of this economic,   political, and cultural process. We need to study local reform within   the context of a global move toward the transformation of societies and   schools. In other words, we need to look at the relation between   globalization, education, and languages.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Globalization as a historical phenomenon refers to three   simultaneous processes: <i>migration</i>, <i>spread of ideas</i>, and <i>increased   coordination and interdependence</i> (Tilly, 2004, p.13). Globalization   as migration refers to the continuous traveling of people from one   region to another or, as Coatsworth (2004) has put it, it is ''what   happens when the movement of people, goods, or ideas among countries and   regions accelerates'' (p.38). From a different perspective,   globalization as the spread of ideas describes the continuous adoption   or imposition of ideological, technical or organizational patterns from   one place to another (Tilly, 2004). This globalization as the spread of   ideas includes, for example, the indoctrination of indigenous   communities in South, Central and North America after 1492, or even the   current enforcement of northern educational ideologies and practices in   Colombia. Finally, globalization as an increased coordination or   interdependence at a world scale describes ''the process whereby   countries become more integrated via movements of goods, capital, labor,   and ideas'' (Bloom 2004, p.59), a process in which technologies and   languages have played a central role (Watson, 2004). </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">From a historical perspective, globalization does not by any   means represent a new phenomenon. As presented above, globalization   processes have accompanied human history as a product of the constant   movement of peoples and capital around the globe (McKeown, 2007).   Coatsworth (2004), for example, differentiates at least four major   cycles of globalization, which may be summarized as 1) the discovery and   colonization of America, 2) the migration of African slaves to the   Caribbean; 3) the pre-depression age; and 4) the post World War II   globalization era. This paper is devoted to this current era. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The current wave of globalization in relation with education   systems is studied from three main perspectives: economic, political,   and cultural (Suarez- Orozco &amp; Qin-Hilliard, 2004). From an economic   point of view, globalization and education are investigated in their   relation with international markets, transnational trade, neoliberalism,   privatization, financial issues, transnational capital flow, poverty,   economic development, inequity, and the different economic agendas that   serve the consolidation of private capital and the knowledge economy   (see e.g., Bloom, 2004; Stiglitz, 2002; Stromquist, 2002). From a   political angle, analysts explore the connection between globalization,   power relations, notions of autonomy, top-down vs bottom-up models of   reform, and the transformation of the state and the school system   vis-&agrave;-vis the increasing influence of local and international actors,   agencies, and countries that exert power in areas traditionally   controlled by the government (see e.g., Gonz&aacute;lez &amp; Ocampo, 2006;   Munck, 2005; Robertson, 2007). Finally, from a cultural perspective,   investigators study cultural formations, transformations, and conflicts   brought about by the media, technology, immigration, and dissemination   of languages, discourses and practices. They study how local agents and   communities are influenced by these moves, how language and school   policies are affected by these transnational flows, and how different   actors reinterpret these global trends (see e.g., Appadurai, 1996;   Kumaravadivelu, 2008; Watson, 2004). This second part of the paper   examines these economic, political, and cultural conceptualizations and   how they may help us understand what is happening in Colombia in terms   of education and language policymaking. </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>4. ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION AND EDUCATION AND LINGUISTIC POLICIES</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The current   era is characterized by economic globalization, and it is within this   context that educational and linguistic policies need to be interpreted. Economic globalization has shaped the way we interact with other   individuals, how we perceive the public and private sectors, and how we   position ourselves as customers in the market (Lauder et al, 2006). It   has introduced a new set of values and discourses in which terms such as   ''capital,'' ''market,'' ''profit,'' ''competitiveness,'' ''property,''   ''accountability,'' ''trade,'' ''industrialization,'' ''individual choice,'' and   more recently, the so-called ''knowledge economy'' and ''human capital''   have been re-dimensioned and reinforced. Economic globalization has   become the ideal platform for neoliberal discourses to be widespread,   whereas international trade, capital mobility, technology, knowledge,   multinational companies, the International Monetary Fund, The World   Trade Organization, and the World Bank have become its main drivers   (Bloom 2004). </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The current   wave of economic globalization consolidated under Thatcher (UK) and   Reagan (US) leadership in the 1980s, was later adopted in Latin American   countries under the so-called ''Washington Consensus,'' and was   introduced in Colombia under the presidency of Cesar Gaviria in what is   known as ''la apertura econ&oacute;mica''. Nevertheless, and after two decades of   its initial introduction, different indicators confirmed that this   model was rendering wider inequalities and social exclusion across and   within nations. For instance, while the number of multinational   companies around the world increased from about 65.000 by the 1990s to   nearly 850.000 a decade later, the number of poor and indigent people in   Latin America increased by 5 million and 1.5 million respectively from   1990 to 1995 (Munck, 2005). In the years to come, poverty continued to   be extremely high in Latin America, 40% in 2002 according to the latest   report of <i>Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo</i>&#151;BID (BID, 2007),   while the internal conflict between the state and different forces   threatened the sustainability of the whole economic model. In a couple   of decades, inequality and poverty in the world even concerned those   benefited by the model, and called their attention about the need for a   ''softer'' approach. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">This is why by   the end of the 1990s, leaders of the global economy called for a more   socially oriented method to address growing inequalities, in a move that   Joseph Stiglitz (2002) referred to as the ''Post-Washington Consensus''.   This economic approach retained the basic tenets described above, but   masked its negative effects by devoting some resources to social causes   and emphasizing on human capital for economic development in the post   industrial ''knowledge economy''.<a name="en5"></a><a href="#n5"><sup>5</sup></a> Under this new approach, the call was for economic growth   that not only depended on the possession of money but also on being able   to compete in terms of human capital (Becker, 2002, Guile, 2006), i.e.,   information and communication technologies, cutting edge information,   creative ideas, and people who might speak international languages. That   is why apparently progressive governments across Latin America began to   emphasize the importance of education, technology, English, flows of   information, and education credentials in order to compete in the global   economy, while structural issues such as poverty, lower wages, informal   and precarious employment, as well as social exclusion were disregarded   in international conversations about policymaking. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">If we study the effects of economic globalization and the Washington and Post Washington consensus in education and linguistic policies in Colombia, we will find enough evidence of its application across the nation. For instance, in Medell&iacute;n, recent studies show that the progressive plan of former mayor, Sergio Fajardo, followed similar guidelines determined by the economic model of the last decade. As presented by Bernal (2006), while the former mayor is still seen as one of the best in the recent decades, and as one who changed the way we do politics in the city, a critical examination of his government plan 2004-2007 showed that, while most of the budget was invested in education (40%), a scarce 5% of the public spending was devoted to structural programs related to poverty reduction. His education programs, which included the consolidation of a ''bilingual'' program in order to position the city as an international center for business and foreign investment, sharply contrasted with the high indices of poverty (64%), unemployment (13%), informal employment<a name="en6"></a><a href="#n6"><sup>6</sup></a> (58%), lack of health care (40%) and lack of a retirement plan (94.5%), which, combined, continued to exclude people from the possibility of a better life. The former city mayor mainly focused his attention on education at the expense of some of the most oppressing issues that currently affect the majority of the population and actually determine students' possibility to stay in the school system<a name="en7"></a><a href="#n7"><sup>7</sup></a>.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">This does not mean that the administration of Sergio Fajardo was not positive in many respects, that public investment in education is not desirable, or that having former academics join politics is a bad thing. What this example does illustrate is that even in the most progressive governments of the current era we can clearly see the traces of the current model that overemphasizes on education and ignores the structural issues that renders inequality. This critical analysis is crucial, because as Lauder et al (2006: 39) have clearly emphasized:</font></p>     <blockquote><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">&#91;I&#93;t explains why the expansion of education alone in these &#91;poor&#93; countries will not resolve problems of economic development, and may lead to high levels of frustration, if not social unrest, as educated youth are unemployed or locked into low-wage work.</font></blockquote>  <font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"> </font> <font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The direct relationships between education, world languages, social mobility, and cultural and economic capital, become more convoluted in times of globalization, even when we assume that governments are progressive, and that promoting more education and bilingualism will be enough in times of human capital and economic competitiveness, on the one hand, and global social exclusion, on the other.</font>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>5. POLITICAL GLOBALIZATION AND THE CURRENT REFORMS</b></font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The current wave of globalization is not just about economic and human capital, it is also about power distribution and relations among and within countries accompanied by a deep transformation of the local state. That is why, analysts of political globalization focus on the study of the nation state, liberalism and neoliberalism, relations of power between the foreign and the local, and the transformation of the government and the citizens in times of political, economic and cultural reform. In the field of applied linguistics, theorists explore, among other issues, the role of English as the language of power, teacher and student autonomy, and how foreign organizations exert an influence on state policies and local practice (see e.g., Pennycook, 1994; Phillipson, 1992).</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">From a political point of view, neoliberalism   can be described as ''the ideology behind globalization in the 1990s''   (Munck, 2005, p.121). It is based on classical views of individual   choice, freedom, personal property, and competitiveness, combined with   contemporary calls for state intervention in order to guarantee the   normal functioning of the global market and the accumulation of private   capital (Robertson, 2007). In opposition to the concept of the welfare   state where the public and common good were prioritized by the   government, the state in times of neoliberal globalization underfunds   and dismantles public services, privatizes public institutions in order   to favor and liberalize the private market, and places the final   responsibility for success or failure in the global market upon the   individual, an approach that tends to ignore the historical and   structural conditions that favor those agents who are better equipped   within the system (Bloom, 2004; Clarke &amp; Newman, 1997; Guadarrama   Gonz&aacute;lez, 2006; Perkins, 2004; Stromquist, 2002).</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The current wave of economic and political   globalization is mainly run by transnational decision makers such as the   World Bank, The International Monetary Fund, The World Trade   Organization, and the transnational corporations that drive the   circulation of capital around the globe (Stromquist, 2002). According to   their economic, political, and strategic priorities, these entities   control the global financial and trade market. In this highly   deterministic decision making pyramid, some countries stay in the   agricultural age, others move to industrialization, and a select group   move to a knowledge based economy, where the highest economic benefit is   now granted<a name="en8"></a><a href="#n8"><sup>8</sup></a>.  As   stated by Becker (2002, p.293), the international division of labor is   perpetuated as richer countries focus their resources on   ''high-knowledge products and services,'' while poorer nations such as   Colombia continue to specialize in ''lower-skilled and raw   material-intensive products.''</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In the case of Colombia, the National Government materializes these international agendas in documents such as <i>Vision 2019 Educaci&oacute;n: Propuesta para discusi&oacute;n</i> (Colombia. Ministerio de Educaci&oacute;n Nacional, 2006a). In this policy document, while the government calls for English as a means to become more competitive in the global market (p.61), it proposes an educational system oriented towards echnical modalities by increasing the percentage of students in this sector from 6.3% in 2005 to 30% in 2019, that is a 5 times increase in 14 years, whereas the number of students in professional programs offered by universities is expected to barely move from 18.3% in 2005 to 20% in 2019 (p.23). As the government arguably states in this plan, ''the number of students registered in professional programs widely surpasses those in technical and technological tracks, which generates serious pertinence problems in front of the needs of the productive sector'' (p.14). As it is evident in this analysis, learning English or investing in education may not necessarily represent considerable economic and social benefits for the country if all we want is a cheap and bilingual labor force according to the international distribution of human and economic capital determined abroad.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In times of economic and political globalization, education systems are reformed according to international expectations in a new ''state theory of learning'' (Lauder et al., 2006) that some scholars conceptualize as the ''new orthodoxy of school reform'' (Hargreaves et al, 2001). From this perspective, in times of contemporary globalization, nations and states move from an agrarian and industrial economy where elementary and secondary education were considered to be sufficient to compete, to a new global knowledge economy in which tertiary education, research, information, and technology are rendered to determine international competitiveness and thus local economic development (Bloom, 2004). In this move, and at times when neoliberalism becomes the dominant ideology in international policy, the state moves from being a guarantor of social welfare to be an educational provider and a national regulator. Conversely, local policy makers adopt international standards that reduce schooling to the production of a qualified workforce according to transnational expectations and development agendas that, as explained above, are driven by international financial and trade organizations (Samoff, 1996; Stromquist, 2002). Economic and political success, in this new scenario, is thus determined by how you generate, access, transmit, use and control the knowledge created by intellectuals and scientists, and how you exert economic, political and military power to impose the rules of the game. This is how political and military power, transnational economic capital, communication technologies, the internet, international languages, and human capital become the engine of the global economy; education and research become its fuel; and English its universal code.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In order to make nations and individuals more   competitive in the national and global market, educational systems are   profoundly restructured (Stromquist, 2002). Content, methods, and   purposes are redefined according to international standards; discourses   and practices associated with curriculum, standards, and test alignment   become central in national and international school reform; schools,   universities, teachers and students are watched and certified by   reinvigorated accreditation and evaluation systems guided by imported   standards of good practice; teachers are hired or fired by private   contractors; and discourses such as professionalization of teaching,   data-driven interventions, scientifically-based research, research-based   school reform, school quality, accountability, choice, and autonomy are   used as misleading slogans that serve the purpose of the new orthodoxy   around countries (see e.g., Contreras, 1997; Furlong, 2002; Tatto, 2007;   Veugelers, 2004; Zeichner &amp; Ndimande, 2008). </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Additionally, the public sector is also found   to be insufficient and unprepared for the new global challenges, which   opens the doors for private investors presented as guarantors of high   quality and innovation. This is how the education sector becomes an   opportunity for business, educational centers transform into profit   making businesses, and students are reduced to clients, in a shift that   Molnar (2005) described as selling <i>to</i> schools, selling <i>of</i> schools, and selling <i>in</i> schools. In a more recent move, which is   now introduced in Colombia through the National Bilingual Program and   its accompanying policies, the state argues for a thorough and external   evaluation of the public education system, which justifies the   appointment of mostly international educational researchers, centers,   and consultants to determine ''quality''. These foreign agents and   agencies are given the status of local educational authorities and   testers with enough power to influence local policy and practice in   schools and universities. They determine what is a ''good'' or ''bad''   practice, which programs and institutions can be certified, which   teachers should or should not be hired or fired, and what credentials   can be granted to students and by whom. In times of economic and   political globalization, the unelected local and international private   sector turns to exert more influence over local matters than the   publicly elected officials (Munck, 2005). </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">As presented by local   investigators, education and linguistic policies have been highly   influenced by economic and political globalization in Colombia<sup><a name="en9"></a><a href="#n9">9</a></sup>. For Ocampo (2002), the last   two decades have been characterized by the state enforcement of reforms   with recommendation of the World Bank. These changes include: 1) the   so-called ''municipalizaci&oacute;n,'' a policy that assigned school districts   the financial responsibility to pay teachers; 2) school economic   self-sustainability; and 3) concentration of resources on the poorest   subsets of the population, which on the surface seems to be a   progressive idea, but in practice it serves to exclude taxpayers from   the benefits of the state supported system and dismantles the public   education sector by reducing spending. These moves have created a   dramatic drop in the number of people covered by the public school   system, increased teachers' job instability, lowered quality in public   schools, and consolidated a private school system targeted to educate   children from socioeconomic strata 3, 4, 5, and 6 (Ocampo, 2002; Bernal,   2006). </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">These regulations have had a negative effect not only on   foreign language teachers but also on practitioners in distinct areas   (Saldarriaga &amp; Toro, 2002). For instance, a local review on teacher   autonomy (Usma, 2007) confirmed that although the General Law of   Education empowered school communities to redesign their curricula,   teachers at different educational levels continue to struggle when they   want to use their professional discretion. They have not been granted   the time, resources, guidance, working stability, or administrative support to succeed in this task (Frodden &amp; Pic&oacute;n, 2005; McNulty &amp; Usma, 2005; Usma &amp; Frodden, 2003) and have been highly constrained by national standardized tests mandated by the state (Agudelo Valderrama, 2006)<a name="en10"></a><a href="#n10"><sup>10</sup></a>. As this educational researcher inquired:</font></p>     <blockquote><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">On what grounds do educational authorities claim that Colombia   has embarked on ''an educational revolution'' and that schools have <i>curricular   autonomy</i> when, on the other hand, the provision of professional   learning opportunities of practicing teachers and school administrators   is an issue that has been ignored and, on the other hand, the quality of   their professional activity continues to be measured by the results of   the <i>one</i> standardized External Examination? (Agudelo Valderrama,   2006, p.536)</font></blockquote>      ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">As we may conclude from these investigations,   these problematic conditions have continued to affect the quality of   education provided to students in Colombia, and served to justify   stringent and disempowering regulations such as the National Bilingual   Program described above. In times of global school and linguistic   reform, a vicious circle reproduces itself in Colombia when neoliberal   regulations are enforced, teachers react against them, quality in the   public system is affected, parents find attractive responses in the   private sector, and the state finds new motivations to continue to cut   public expending and exert stringent control over school and teachers by   adopting more top-down policies. As is the case with economic   globalization, the relationship between the different elements in the   equation is convoluted and not easy to solve, but it is in this context   that current policies need to be situated.</font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>6. CULTURAL GLOBALIZATION AND ITS STUDY IN EDUCATIONAL CONTEXTS</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Exposure to new people, ideas,   languages, commodities, or technologies change the way we interact with   each other and how we perceive, make sense, and act on the world. And that is what cultural theorists investigate in times of globalization: the impact of internationalization on people's interaction, daily life, and behavior. This final section explores this dimension of contemporary globalization as it applies to education and language policy in Colombia.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Analyses of cultural globalization and its effects on education and linguistic policies resemble and differ from those described in previous sections (Singh, Kenway, &amp; Apple, 2005). While the previous structuralist analyses of economic and political globalization tend to conclude that the current wave is driven by central organizations applying universal recipes that lead to predictable processes, students of cultural developments use a dialectical, complex, and a postmodern approach. They conclude that the relationship between globalization, education and world languages is highly unpredictable, as it depends on local reconstruction, as well as historical and contextual factors that shape how global trends are interpreted in different communities (Appadurai, 1996, 2000; Tomlinson, 1999). However, these approaches do not necessarily restrain a certain level of generalization when scholars focus on the micro ''in order to illustrate the macro'' (Watson, 2004, p.142).</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In the study of cultural   globalization and its effects on people's behavior and sociocultural   practices, different scholars have found evidence of the emergence of   particular global subcultures; specifically, the ''international   faculty,'' the ''Davos culture,'' ''Non Governmental Organizations,'' and   ''transnational workers'' (Watson, 2004; 2008). For the purpose of this   paper, I will focus my attention on the first two groups as they are   directly connected to education and language policy adoption and   implementation and helps us better understand recent reforms in   Colombia.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">One of the subcultures being   created in times of cultural globalization is defined by Watson (2008)   as the ''international faculty club''. They are described as ''an   international network of people who share similar values, attitudes, and   research goals'' and ''wield tremendous influence through their   association with educational institutions worldwide'' (p.1). In the case   of education in Colombia, this international faculty club is   characterized by promoting notions of autonomy, professional   development, reflective practice, multiculturalism, and now,   bilingualism. They have become indispensable references in academic   papers like this one, and are usually invited to teacher and research   conferences quite frequently organized with the economic support of U.S.   and U.K. government educational institutions.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Members of this club   correspond to the so called ''indigenous foreigners'' presented by   Popkewitz (2000, p.10) and defined as those ''heroes and heroines &#91;who&#93;   circulate as part of global discourses of reform.'' In the case of   applied linguistics in Colombia, members of this group tend to speak   English as their mother tongue, which makes them more attractive to   local communities in search for interaction with native speakers of this   dominant international language. This critique does not mean that   members of this club may not serve important educational and social   causes, or illuminate papers and investigations like this one, but   implies that in the context of cultural globalization the knowledge and   experience of some northern elites are privileged over local   practitioners. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">The existence and influence of   this club is confirmed throughout the adoption and implementation of   the National Bilingual Program in Colombia. Quintero Polo (2007)   describes the way the national government discharged the whole   responsibility of the adoption of this reform on these foreign   representatives, and how leaders of Colombian universities were called   to participate, but their voices were silenced and substituted by   European views of language, teaching, and learning. This is the main   reason why representatives of the most important public universities in   the country decided to withdraw from the implementation process, instead   of just accepting that their names and institutions be used to   authenticate the imposed policy. As he stated, Colombian leaders had   been expected to validate the program, in a top-down decision making   process in which foreign actors controlled the whole agenda.</font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Processes of cultural   globalization also favor the formation of another transnational   subculture called ''Davos culture.'' This corresponds to ''an elite group   of highly educated people who operate in the rarefied domains of   international finance, media, and diplomacy'', follow specific manners   and etiquettes, and share common values and notions about the world   economy, democracy, markets, or globalization (Watson, 2008, p.1). In   Colombia, for example, these ''cosmopolitan'' citizens (Munck, 2005)   represent a self-selective elite of men and women who attend influential   schools and universities, speak English fluently, use similar   discourses, are members of exclusive clubs, move around similar milieux   in their respective cities, and use the media to make their familiar and   personal affairs issues of national coverage and interest. Members of   these elites, even in nations like Colombia, conform to a group that   attend bilingual schools, work in multinational corporations, travel   around the world, and, using Bourdieu's theory of capital (Bourdieu,   1984, 1986), we may say that and combine and transform economic, social   and cultural capital in order to maintain their status. English as an   international language, in this context, represents an advantage for   members of this group, especially when the government regulates and sets   the stage for the successful journey of those instructed to be   ''bilinguals''. </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">As we may conclude from this   analysis, the US and European sorting process through schooling seems to   be copied in Colombia. We may assert that as soon as students register   in public vs private institutions and different quality of foreign   language education is granted to them, children are being tracked into   different paths that will determine their future welfare, opportunities   of entrance to higher education, and future role in the knowledge   economy described above. Thus, in the context of globalization and   competitiveness, and when the government is setting the stage for those   who may speak two languages, being able to speak English will represent   an asset, while being monolingual will become an enormous drawback for   those who lack social and economic capital (social connections and   money), and all may offer in the market is represented in terms of their   human capital (knowledge, skills, and dispositions). This is why not   granting all the students within the private and public system with the   same education quality and with the possibility to be proficient in   English is placing them into different tracks within the global and   national job market. In other words, we may argue that in the context of   cultural, economic, and political globalization not providing all   students with the same options is an unethical decision by the central   government. It is a subtle strategy that will continue to reproduce   privilege through national education and language policies; one that   will continue to exclude groups of people from the possible benefits   offered by formal schooling, although we already argued that education   is not enough either.</font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>7. CONCLUDING REMARKS TOWARDS ALTERNATIVE AGENDAS</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">In this   review, I have explored new education and linguistic policies in   Colombia and their connection with economic, political, and cultural   globalization. This research has allowed me to argue that despite their   appealing appearance, these new reforms do not necessarily address some   of the most oppressing needs of the majority of the population in   Colombia. As I described, these reforms highly obey to transnational   economic and political agendas and tend to direct public attention away   from structural problems such as the uneven distribution of capital in   our society, the processes of exclusion that affect most of the   population in our country, and the existing gap between public and   private schooling. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">Additionally, I   have posited that the top-down approaches to reform employed throughout   the formulation of the National Program of Bilingualism in Colombia are   neither new nor beneficial. They have accompanied previous centralized   efforts to reduce public spending in education, standardize the system,   reduce teacher autonomy, dismantle the public sector, and de-stabilize   teachers work. These processes have led to teachers' reaction against   the reform, and have created a vicious circle in which the state   regulates and imposes new obligations on teachers, teachers reject or   ignore them, quality decreases according to the new expectations, and   the government finds another justification to impose new reforms that   continue to feed the cycle. As presented in this paper, current reforms   follow the same tradition, but now with the influence of international   actors such as the British Council. This vicious circle seems to   perpetuate as new regulations do not really contribute to a solution,   but just add up to a history of impositions and refusals. </font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">This harsh   reality calls for alternative agendas that may target the structural   conditions that render social exclusion through schooling and policy.   These new agendas need to address the fundamental factors that widen the   gap between public and private education in Colombia; depart from the   local and most oppressing needs and priorities of the population; and   value the important knowledge that is produced by local practitioners in   schools and universities. This paper represents another attempt to make   this new agenda a possible reality, and signals our personal commitment   to these social endeavors. </font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>REFERENCES</b></font></p>     <!-- ref --><p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">1. Agudelo Valderrama, C. (2006). The growing gap   between Colombian education policy, official claims and classroom   realities: Insights from mathematics teachers' conceptions of beginning   algebra and its teaching purpose<i>. International Journal of Science   and Mathematics Education, 4</i>, 513-544.</font>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[&#160;<a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="javascript: window.open('/scielo.php?script=sci_nlinks&ref=000091&pid=S0123-3432200900020000200001&lng=','','width=640,height=500,resizable=yes,scrollbars=1,menubar=yes,');">Links</a>&#160;]<!-- end-ref --><!-- ref --><p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">2. Appadurai, A. (1996). Disjuncture and   Difference in the global cultural economy. Reprinted in H. Lauder, P.   Brown, J. Dillabough, J., &amp; A.H. Halsey (Eds.), <i>Globalization,   education and social change</i> (pp. 179-188). Oxford: Oxford University   Press.</font>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[&#160;<a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="javascript: window.open('/scielo.php?script=sci_nlinks&ref=000092&pid=S0123-3432200900020000200002&lng=','','width=640,height=500,resizable=yes,scrollbars=1,menubar=yes,');">Links</a>&#160;]<!-- end-ref --><!-- ref --><p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">3. Appadurai, A. (2000). Grassroots globalization   and the research imagination. <i>Public Culture</i>, 12 (1), 1-19. </font>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[&#160;<a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="javascript: window.open('/scielo.php?script=sci_nlinks&ref=000093&pid=S0123-3432200900020000200003&lng=','','width=640,height=500,resizable=yes,scrollbars=1,menubar=yes,');">Links</a>&#160;]<!-- end-ref --><!-- ref --><p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">4. Apple, M.W., Kenway, J., &amp; Singh, M.   (2005). 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Teachers and Teaching: Theory and practice, 14(4), 331-343.</font>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[&#160;<a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="javascript: window.open('/scielo.php?script=sci_nlinks&ref=000166&pid=S0123-3432200900020000200076&lng=','','width=640,height=500,resizable=yes,scrollbars=1,menubar=yes,');">Links</a>&#160;]<!-- end-ref --><p>&nbsp;</p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif">*	Recibido: 16-02-09    <br> Aceptado: 30-06-09 </font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font size="3" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><b>NOTES</b></font></p>     <p><font size="2" face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"><a name="n1"></a><a href="#en1">1</a> This paper is part of the   dissertation research that the author is currently doing in Colombia. It   is also part of the research line on Language Policy and Education   Reform in Colombia led by Grupo de Investigaci&oacute;n Acci&oacute;n y Evaluaci&oacute;n en   Lenguas Extranjeras, GIAE, Escuela de Idiomas, Universidad de Antioquia.   Parts of this paper have been presented at XV Congress of the World   Association for Educational Sciences (AMCE/AMSE/WAER): Globalization and   education: Towards a knowledge society, Morocco, June, 2008; and the   Second International Conference on Professional Development for Foreign   Language Teachers: Challenges for the New Millennium. Escuela de   Idiomas, Universidad de Antioquia, August 13, 14 and 15, 2008.    <br>     <a name="n2"></a><a href="#en2">2</a> This section is based on my reading of different policy documents produced by the National Government in Colombia. These documents include: Law 115 of 1994; Law 1064 of 2006; Lineamientos Curriculares Idiomas Extranjeros (1999); La Revolucion Educativa 2002-2006; La Revolucion Educativa, 2006-2010; Vision 2019 Educacion: Propuesta para discussion.    <br>     <a name="n3"></a><a href="#en3">3</a> See <a href="http://www.fecode.edu.co/" target="_blank">http://www.fecode.edu.co/</a> for a discussion about the reduction of transferences and its effects on education.    <br>     <a name="n4"></a><a href="#en4">4</a> See the official web page of the National Ministry of education for a complete presentation of the Program: www.mineducacion.gov.co See also Cely (2007) and Usma (2009).    <br>     <a name="n5"></a><a href="#en5">5</a> Drucker (1969) defined ''knowledge economy'' as the ''application of knowledge from any field or source, new or old, to spur economic development'' (as cited by Guile, 2006, p. 355.)    <br>     <a name="n6"></a><a href="#en6">6</a> The term ''informal employment'' is used in Colombia when describing those freelance workers who mostly work independently and lack of a formal contract, do not have a fixed salary, have an unstable job, are excluded from the health and pension system, and live on a day by day basis (see also Munck, 2005, p.32).    <br>     <a name="n7"></a><a href="#en7">7</a> In the city of Medell&iacute;n, with a population of less than three million people, 13.000 children dropped out of school in 2005 mostly due for their inability to pay for their tuition or their need to work in order to survive (Bernal, 2006).    <br>     <a name="n8"></a><a href="#en8">8</a> For a clear example of how this stratification of countries is perceived in the United States, see Commission on the Skills of the American Workplace (2006). Tough Choices for Tough Times. Washington, D.C.: National Center on Education and the Economy.    <br>     <a name="n9"></a><a href="#en9">9</a> For the purpose of this paper I have focused on Colombia, although different scholars describe the effects of economic and political globalization on global school reform and national schools systems worldwide. See e.g., Apple, M.W., Kenway, J., &amp; Singh, M. (2005); Carter, D.S.G., &amp; O'Neill, M.H. (Eds.) (1995); Fleming, D. (1998); Furlong, J. (2002); Hargreaves, A., Lieberman, A., Fullan, M., &amp; Hopkins, D.(1998); Hargreaves, A. &amp; Earl, L. Moore, S., &amp; Manning, S. (2001); Lipman (2004); Tatto (2007).    ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<br>     <a name="n10"></a><a href="#en10">10</a> As this paper was written, outsourcing was becoming the dominant approach for hiring teachers even in public universities such as Universidad de Antioquia. This new modality is having a negative effect on university professors' working stability, and motivating personnel to move out of the public system. This ongoing study will continue to explore these issues more in detail.</font></p>      ]]></body><back>
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