<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>0121-5612</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Colombia Internacional]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[colomb.int.]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>0121-5612</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S0121-56122019000300187</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.7440/colombiaint99.2019.07</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[El reajuste de la derecha colombiana. El éxito electoral del uribismo]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Readjustment of the Colombian Right. Uribismo's Electoral Success]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="pt"><![CDATA[O reajuste da direita colombiana. O sucesso eleitoral do uribismo]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Gamboa Gutiérrez]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Laura]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad del Estado de Utah  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>USA</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>07</month>
<year>2019</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>07</month>
<year>2019</year>
</pub-date>
<numero>99</numero>
<fpage>187</fpage>
<lpage>214</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S0121-56122019000300187&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S0121-56122019000300187&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S0121-56122019000300187&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[RESUMEN  Objetivo/contexto:  Este artículo busca explicar el éxito electoral de Iván Duque en las elecciones de 2018. La victoria del candidato uribista es paradójica por dos razones. Primero, Duque hizo campaña contra el proceso de paz, uno de los logros más importantes en la historia reciente colombiana y un paso importante para reducir la violencia y fortalecer la democracia del país. Segundo, Duque era el candidato más inexperto de la derecha. Logró derrotar a políticos más visibles, con más trayectoria y mejor acceso a maquinarias electorales.  Metodología:  El texto presenta un estudio de caso que triangula información de fuentes primarias y secundarias, encuestas de opinión pública, análisis de datos electorales y encuestas a parlamentarios.  Conclusiones:  La victoria de Iván Duque es el resultado de dos procesos simultáneos: la consolidación del uribismo -la facción &#8220;guerrerista&#8221; de la derecha- y el surgimiento del clivaje socioeconómico, históricamente subordinado a temas de seguridad pública. El primer proceso es consecuencia de las negociaciones con las FARC y la desinstitucionalización del sistema de partidos. Juntos, estos factores fortalecieron la maquinaria política del Centro Democrático y disminuyeron la capacidad de las élites tradicionales de movilizar votos. El segundo proceso es el resultado de la interacción entre los acuerdos con las FARC y la crisis humanitaria en Venezuela. El proceso de paz abrió espacios a la izquierda del espectro ideológico, de manera que Gustavo Petro aprovechó para entusiasmar a los votantes con propuestas socioeconómicas de izquierda. Su programa le permitió llegar a la segunda vuelta. Una vez ahí, la crisis en Venezuela jugó en su contra. Asustados de que Petro convirtiera a Colombia en una &#8220;segunda Venezuela&#8221; los votantes de centro y centro-derecha votaron por Duque.  Originalidad: a pesar de su importancia, el uribismo ha sido poco estudiado desde una perspectiva comparada. Este artículo se suma a los esfuerzos por entender las similitudes y diferencias de esta corriente de la derecha en comparación con otras corrientes de derecha en otros países latinoamericanos. Este texto es también uno de los primeros artículos en analizar las elecciones de 2018 y sus consecuencias a corto y largo plazo.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[ABSTRACT  Objective/context:  This article seeks to explain the electoral success of Iván Duque in the 2018 presidential elections. The victory of Uribe's candidate is paradoxical for two reasons. First, Duque campaigned against the peace process, a major achievement in recent Colombian history and an important step to reduce violence and strengthen the country's democracy. Second, Duque was the most inexperienced candidate on the right. He managed to defeat more visible politicians, with more experience and better access to electoral machinery.  Methodology:  This article presents a case study that triangulates information from primary and secondary sources, public opinion surveys, analysis of electoral data and surveys of parliamentarians.  Conclusions:  Iván Duque&#8217;s victory is the result of two simultaneous processes: the consolidation of Uribismo -the hawkish faction of the Colombian right- and the emergence of socio-economic cleavage, historically subordinated to matters of public security. The first process was the result of the negotiations with the FARC and the de-institutionalization of the party system. Together, these factors strengthened the political machinery of the Centro Democrático party and diminished traditional elites' ability to mobilize votes. The second process was the result of the interaction between the agreements with the FARC and the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. The peace process opened spaces on the left of the ideological spectrum. Gustavo Petro took advantage of this space and enthused voters with his left-leaning socio-economic proposals. His program took him all the way to the run-off election. Once there, however, the crisis in Venezuela played against him. Afraid that Petro would turn Colombia into a &#8220;second Venezuela,&#8221; center and center-right voters voted for Duque.  Originality: despite its importance, Uribismo hasn't been sufficiently studied from a comparative perspective. This article strives to help understand the similarities and differences of this right-wing current in comparison with those in other Latin American countries. This text is also one of the first articles to analyze the 2018 elections and their short and long-term consequences.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="pt"><p><![CDATA[RESUMO.  Objetivo/contexto:  Este artigo pretende explicar o sucesso eleitoral de Iván Duque nas eleições de 2018. A vitória do candidato uribista é paradoxal por duas razões. Primeira, Duque fez campanha contra o processo de paz, uma das conquistas mais importantes na história recente colombiana e um passo importante para reduzir a violência e fortalecer a democracia do país. Segunda, Duque era o candidato mais inexperiente da direita. Conseguiu derrotar políticos mais visíveis, com mais trajetórias e melhor acesso a maquinarias eleitorais.  Metodologia: Este artigo apresenta um estudo que triangula informação de fontes primárias e secundárias, pesquisas de opinião pública, análise de dados eleitorais e questionários aplicados parlamentares.  Conclusões:  A vitória de Iván Duque é o resultado de dois processos simultâneos: a consolidação do uribismo - a facção &#8220;guerrerista&#8221; da direita - e o surgimento da clivagem socioeconômica, historicamente subordinada a temas de segurança pública. O primeiro processo é consequência das negociações com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (Farc) e a desinstitucionalização do sistema partidário. Juntos, esses fatores fortaleceram a maquinaria política do Centro Democrático e diminuíram a capacidade das elites tradicionais de mobilizar votos. O segundo processo é resultado da interação entre os acordos com as Farc e a crise humanitária na Venezuela. O processo de paz abriu espaço à esquerda do espectro ideológico. Gustavo Petro aproveitou esse espaço e animou os votantes com propostas socioeconômicas de esquerda. Seu programa lhe permitiu chegar ao segundo turno. Uma vez nele, a crise na Venezuela o desfavoreceu. Assustados com que Petro convertesse a Colômbia em uma &#8220;segunda Venezuela&#8221;, os votantes do centro e do centro-direita votaram em Duque.  Originalidade: Apesar da sua importância, o uribismo tem sido pouco estudado sob uma perspectiva comparada. Este artigo se soma aos esforços por entender as semelhanças e as diferenças dessa corrente da direita em comparação com outras correntes de direita em outros países latino-americanos. Este texto é também um dos primeiros artigos em analisar as eleições de 2018 e suas consequências em curto e longo prazo.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Partidos políticos]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Colombia]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Elecciones]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Álvaro Uribe]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Gustavo Petro.]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Political parties]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Colombia]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Elections]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Álvaro Uribe]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Gustavo Petro.]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[Partidos políticos]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[Colômbia]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[eleições]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[Álvaro Uribe]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="pt"><![CDATA[Gustavo Petro.]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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<article-title xml:lang=""><![CDATA[&#8220;¿Puede un exguerrillero convertirse en el próximo president de Colombia?&#8221;]]></article-title>
<source><![CDATA[Newsweek]]></source>
<year>2018</year>
</nlm-citation>
</ref>
<ref id="B69">
<nlm-citation citation-type="book">
<person-group person-group-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Wills Otero]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Laura]]></given-names>
</name>
</person-group>
<article-title xml:lang=""><![CDATA[&#8220;Colombia: Analyzing the Strategies for Political Action of Alvaro Uribe&#8217;s Government, 2002-10&#8221;]]></article-title>
<person-group person-group-type="editor">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Luna]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Juan Pablo]]></given-names>
</name>
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Rovira Kaltwasser]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Cristóbal]]></given-names>
</name>
</person-group>
<source><![CDATA[The Resilience of the Latin American Right]]></source>
<year>2014</year>
<page-range>194-2010</page-range><publisher-loc><![CDATA[Baltimore ]]></publisher-loc>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Johns Hopkins University Press]]></publisher-name>
</nlm-citation>
</ref>
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</back>
</article>
